By Natalie Bell, Thomas M. Armstrong
In the Segregated Deep South, while Lynching and Klansmen and Jim Crow legislation governed, there stood a line of foot squaddies able to sacrifice their lives for the perfect to vote, to go into rooms marked 'White Only,' and to dwell with basic dignity. They have been known as Freedom Riders, and Thomas M. Armstrong used to be one among them. this can be his story.
Autobiography of a Freedom Rider info Armstrong's burning have to create social switch for his fellow black voters. This richly woven memoir, which strains again to his great-grandparents as freed slaves, examines the historical past of the Civil Rights move, the devastating own repercussions Armstrong persevered for being a champion of these rights, the candy style of revolutionary development long ago fifty years, and a glance forward on the paintings nonetheless to be done.
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Additional info for Autobiography of a Freedom Rider: My Life as a Foot Soldier for Civil Rights
Out-of-date voting technologies and local control over the election process produce widely disparate election results—empowering some voters while effectively disenfranchising many others. Even the way we organize our elections—employing at-large or mandatory majority vote procedures—repeatedly dilutes the impact of certain groups’ ballots, in the process undermining the significance of the act of voting. For most of our national history, almost as much effort has gone into denying disliked or despised groups the vote—or at least diluting the impact of their vote—as into expanding the franchise.
How can a democratic nation allow such exclusions to happen? Doesn’t democracy mean that everyone gets to vote? How democratic can we be, given the existence of widespread vote Page xii denial—and the all-too-slow process by which we opposed this denial? S. politics and constitutional government? How healthy can they be? Should they be? Are we in trouble here? Or are the events of the 2000 election simply an aberration already being fixed by legislative initiative? These are questions central to the health and future of the nation.
Many analytical, theoretical, and statistical studies provide essential insight into the workings (or nonworkings) of our electoral systems. In fact, this book would not have been possible in its present form without the work of many other scholars. Given the need to compress and summarize a complex subject, I have been forced to stand on the shoulders of such works, and I willingly acknowledge my indebtedness to those scholars working in this field—social scientists, legal scholars, and historians.