By Jonathan W. Gray
Publish 12 months note: First released January 1st 2012
The assertion, "The Civil Rights move replaced America," notwithstanding actual, has develop into anything of a cliché. Civil rights within the White Literary mind's eye seeks to figure out how, precisely, the Civil Rights flow replaced the literary chances of 4 iconic American writers: Robert Penn Warren, Norman Mailer, Eudora Welty, and William Styron. every one of those writers released major works ahead of the Brown v. Board of Education case in 1954 and the Montgomery Bus Boycott that started in December of the next year,
making it attainable to track their evolution in response to those occasions. The paintings those writers crafted based on the upheaval of the day, from Warren's Who Speaks for the Negro?, to Mailer's "The White Negro" to Welty's "Where Is the Voice Coming From?" to Styron's Confessions of Nat Turner, show a lot approximately their very own feeling within the second whilst they give a contribution to the nationwide dialog that established on race and democracy.
By analyzing those works heavily, grey posits the argument that those writers considerably formed discourse on civil rights because the circulate was once taking place yet did so in methods that--intentionally or not--often relied upon a inspiration of the relative innocence of the South with reference to racial affairs, and on a build of African american citizens as politically and/or culturally na*ve. As those writers grappled with race and the parable of southern the Aristocracy, their paintings constructed in ways in which have been concurrently sympathetic of, and condescending to, black highbrow concept taking place while.
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Additional info for Civil Rights in the White Literary Imagination: Innocence by Association
28 Warren would next address issues of race and history in 1961’s The Legacy of the Civil War: Meditations on the Centennial. The Legacy of the Civil War could not be more diﬀerent from Segregation. While the earlier text is a piece of impressionistic journalism that subsumes Warren’s thoughts on the topic in order to better record the responses of his subjects, Legacy is an ambitious intellectual history that attempts to identify the continuing psychological cost of the nineteenth-century conﬂict.
Flying out of Memphis, Warren regains a measure of “relief,” but recognizes this absence of tension as “the relief from responsibility” (320). Safely ensconced in the North, where the segregation is de facto and not de jure, Warren is no longer required to listen to genial bigots declaim about the cranial capacities of whites and Blacks or forced to contemplate a nonviolent protest being met with mob violence. Circumstance has transformed Warren into a kind of carpetbagger willing to ﬂee the scene in the face of a mounting resistance to change, despite his earlier intentions to commune with the land of his youth.
Now mingling among “black Southerners, a persecuted minority, too,” Warren begins to reevaluate his earlier 24 Warren and the Limits of Historical Responsibility tongue-in-cheek statement (293). Although Warren recognizes white southern hegemony in the South, that he even facetiously equates southerners and Blacks as persecuted minorities demonstrates the lengths to which he is willing to go to preserve southern innocence. This equivocation, combined with Warren’s refusal to closely examine what he considers the clichés of the region and his antipathy for the northern media, reveals his readiness to protect the South from blame.