By Steven J. Friesen, Sarah A. James, Daniel N. Schowalter
In Corinth against this, archaeologists, historians, artwork historians, classicists, and New testomony students learn the stratified nature of socio-economic, political, and spiritual interactions within the urban from the Hellenistic interval to overdue Antiquity. the amount demanding situations usual social histories of Corinth through concentrating on the unequal distribution of fabric, cultural, and religious assets. experts examine particular facets of cultural and fabric stratification similar to trade, slavery, faith, marriage and kin, gender, and paintings, studying either the ruling elite of Corinth and the non-elite Corinthians who made up nearly all of the inhabitants. This technique offers perception into the complicated networks that characterised each old city heart and units an schedule for destiny stories of Corinth and different towns rule via Rome.
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Additional resources for Corinth in Contrast: Studies in Inequality
83 Spawforth 1996. the last of the corinthians? 84 This resulted in a dynamic society that could interact with both the Greek East and Roman West. Crucial archaeological evidence can now be added to these conclusions. Ceramic evidence shows that Corinthian potters were among the interim period inhabitants of Corinth. In combination with the likelihood that Corinthian farmers returned to their land after 146 bce, we can imagine that they too formed part of the interim period community. At least a portion of Cicero’s ‘squatters’ were therefore locals who returned to the city early in the interim period, mostly from the lower echelons of society, who perhaps lacked the ability to build new lives elsewhere.
76 These similarities are particularly striking when a cooking pot from a well, dated to 71 They are found at numerous sites in the northeast Peloponnese and at Athens and Delos (Williams and Russell 1981). It is possible that their occurrence at these sites indicates that Sikyonian products were leaving through Corinth’s Saronic harbors. 2, 9. 2, 9–10. 74 S. Rotroff has also argued for continuity in some Hellenistic types of table wares, cooking wares, and lamps at Athens after the Sullan sack in 86 bce (Rotroff 1997).
51; Tusc. 53). Walbank (1998, 96–97, esp. n. 11) also suggests that the Sikyonians controlled the agricultural production of Corinthian lands to pay Roman taxes, although this does not seem to have been a beneficial arrangement for them given their perilous financial situation in the 1st century bce. Letters of Cicero record that Sikyon borrowed money from his friend Atticus and was struggling to repay the debt (Cic. Att. 6). 10 Verg. G. 519; Paus. 19; cf. Stat. Theb. 50. 11 Finds of kiln sites by the Sikyon Survey Project and material from rescue excavations show that a new type of transport amphora, for either wine or olive oil, was produced during the interim period and suggest that the local agricultural economy expanded in the later 2nd century bce.